Chapter
4, Democracy and the
Market
From
Year 501: The Conquest Continues,
a Noam Chomsky book, available
here, or at your local library.
Among
global planners, few captured the essence of policy more clearly
than George Kennan when he advised in 1948 that if we are to maintain
the disparity between our wealth and the poverty of others we
must "put aside idealistic slogans and keep to straight power
concepts." Deviation from these guidelines is rare. Such
ideals as democracy and the market are well and good, as long
as the tilt of the playing field guarantees that the right folks
win. If the rascal multitude try to raise their heads, they must
be beaten into submission in one or another way: in the Third
World, outright violence often suffices. If market forces interfere
with domestic privilege, free trade is quickly cast to the flames.
The
truth of the matter was well articulated by a US banker in Venezuela
under the murderous Perez Jimenez dictatorship: "You have
the freedom here to do what you want to do with your money, and
to me, that is worth all the political freedom in the world."
That about sums it up.
These
doctrines are too deeply rooted in institutional structures to
be seriously challenged within the ruling state-corporate nexus.
It can, on occasion, produce someone who will deliver moral lessons
on human rights. But when some real interest is at stake, the
rhetoric is quickly shelved: say, when it is necessary to support
virtual genocide in East Timor, to protect Somoza's National Guard
while it is slaughtering thousands of civilians, or to tilt towards
China and Pol Pot, to select a few examples from the period of
an unusual deviation toward High Principle.
The
consistent practice is illustrated over a broad range throughout
this discussion and in sources cited. To select another case that
brings out fundamental principles sharply, consider the response
when General Chun's military dictatorship in South Korea crushed
the democracy movement in Kwangju in May 1980. Paratroopers "carried
out three days of barbarity with the zeal of Nazi storm troopers,"
an Asia Watch investigative mission reported, "beating, stabbing
and mutilating unarmed civilians, including children, young girls,
and aged grandmothers." Two thousand people were killed in
this rampage, they estimate. The US received two requests for
assistance: the citizens committee that had called for democracy
requested help in negotiations; General Chun requested the release
of 20,000 troops under US command to join the storm troopers.
The latter request was honored, and US naval and air units were
deployed in a further show of US support.
"Koreans
who had expected help from Carter were dumbfounded," Tim
Shorrock writes, as "the news of direct support from the
US was broadcast to the people of Kwangju from helicopters and
proclaimed throughout the nation in blazing newspaper headlines."
A few days later, Carter sent the head of the Export-Import Bank
to Seoul to assure the military junta of US economic support,
approving a $600 million loan. As Chun took over the presidency
by force, Carter said that while we would prefer democracy, "The
Koreans are not ready for that, according to their own judgment,
and I don't know how to explain it any better."
Chun
arrested thousands of "subversives" calling for democracy,
sending them to military-run "purification" camps. Hundreds
of labor leaders were purged; new legislation severely weakened
unions, leading to a 30 percent drop in membership. Censorship
became even more harsh. Gratified with this progress, the Reagan
Administration honored Chun by selecting him as the first head
of state to visit after the inauguration. Visiting Korea in 1986,
Secretary of State George Schultz praised the "terrific job
being done in security" and in the economy, and the "impressive
movement towards democracy." He expressed his strong support
for General Chun. He harshly criticized the democratic opposition,
refusing to meet with its leaders Kim Dae Jung and Kim Young Sam,
and explaining that "how countries design things can vary
and you can still call it democracy."
To
show how much has changed with the Cold War over, president Bush
chose the amiable Mobutu of Zaire as the first African leader
to be received at the white house, hailing him as "one of
our most valued friends" and making no reference to human
rights violations. Among others rewarded for their contributions
to democracy and human rights were Bush's friends in Baghdad and
Beijing, and Romania's mad dictator Ceausescu.
THE
FLIGHT OF THE BUMBLEBEE
In
the current phase of intellectual corruption, it must be stressed
that, like democracy and human rights, the economic doctrines
preached by the rulers are instruments of power, intended for
others, so that they can be more efficiently robbed and exploited.
No wealthy society accepts these conditions for itself, unless
they happen to confer temporary advantage; and their history reveals
that sharp departure from these doctrines was a large factor in
development.
At
least since the work of Alexander Gerschenkron in the 1950s, it
has been widely recognized by economic historians that 'late development'
has been critically dependent on state intervention. Japan and
the Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs) on its periphery are
standard contemporary examples. In a major study, 24 leading Japanese
economists review the decision by the Ministry of International
Trade and Industry (MITI) after World War II to disregard prevailing
economic theory and to assign a "predominant role in the
formation of industry policy" to the state bureaucracy, "in
a system that is rather similar to the organization of the industrial
bureaucracy in socialist countries." Each sector, if industry
has its section of the government bureaucracy, which works "in
close co-operation" with an industry association. Heavy protection,
subsidies and tax concessions, financial controls, and a variety
of other devices were employed to overcome market deficiencies
that would have prevented development. Rejecting standard doctrines,
MITI determined that "long-term self-reliance for Japan would
be delayed or even undermined by following its apparent comparative
advantage into labor intensive sectors." The radical defiance
of economic precepts set the stage for the Japanese miracle, the
economists conclude. Western specialists do not disagree. Chalmers
Johnson notes that Japan could be described as "the only
communist nation that works."
Some
have suggested--only half in jest--that Japan's support for the
Brookings Institution and other advocates of standard doctrine
is intended to reinforce belief in the classical theory, to the
detriment of its commercial rivals.
The
same has been true of the NICs in Japan's periphery. In her important
work on South Korean economic progress, Alice Amsden cites such
factors as land distribution and wage-salary differentials that
are equitable by Western standards, state intervention on the
Japanese model to "get prices 'wrong' in order to stimulate
investment and trade," and high discipline of labor, but
more strikingly, of capital, which is controlled by "price
ceilings, controls on capital flight, and incentives that made
diversification into new industries contingent on performing well
in old ones." Much the same has been true throughout East
Asia, she notes. Case by case, the record of export-led growth
refutes the doctrines of the neoliberal "New Orthodoxy,"
economist Stephen Smith points out. Success was based "on
activist trade and industrial policies" that deliberately
alter market incentives to place "long-run development goals
over short-run comparative advantage." The most extensive
comparative study concludes that "periods of significant
export expansion are almost always preceded by periods of strong
import substitution"--measures of state intervention in violation
of the market (Chenery, et al.). The comparison of Brazil and
the East Asian NICs is telling. Until 1980, they developed in
parallel, with "active industrial and export policies"
and import substitution. But the debt crisis compelled Brazil
to adopt IMF-World Bank New Orthodoxy, elevating "trade liberalization
over domestic growth objectives" and turning to the export
of primary products, with grim consequences. The NICs, with much
more powerful state controls, prevented the market disaster, barring
capital flights and directing capital to investment.
Meanwhile
China, the one "Communist" country that has kept the
western experts at arms length, remains the only one with rapid
economic development (along with vigorous repression and no pretense
of democracy). "One phenomenal success has been 'township
and village enterprises', for the most part factories owned by
rural farmers," which "now account for close to 20 percent
of China's GNP, employing more than 100 million people,"
financial correspondent David Francis writes, quoting a World
Bank spokesman who predicts that they "will most assuredly
be the single most dynamic form of enterprise on the Chinese scene."
The
German economic miracle also relied on its departures from standard
precepts, from the 19th century. The post-WWII system involves
elements of "corporatism," defined as the "broad
concentration between employer and employee representatives across
industries, which is usually established and sometimes continually
supervised under state auspices" (Charles Meier), though
this conception underplays the role of central financial institutions,
"a particularly significant actor in the German political
economy," Michael Huelshoff writes. "The Reagan nightmare
of supply side economics and military Keynesianism" and its
"fiscal recklessness and monetary astringency" have
received particularly harsh criticism in Germany (James Sperling).
The smaller successful economies adopt similar means. Thus Holland
relied on cartels coordinated through the Ministry of Economic
Affairs for its postwar economic reconstruction, regulating production,
sales, supplies, prices, etc. Not all of the more than 400 still
surviving in 1992 will survive the EC, but the government announced
that a "green light will be given to positive cartels"
that offer protection for companies launching new technologies.
"A
strict free marketeer would declare the German economy, like the
bumble-bee, theoretically incapable of flight," the Economist
observes with puzzlement, reviewing such departures from orthodoxy
as "well-trained and well-paid workers, who sit on oversight
boards," "giant, bank-owned industries unbothered by
shareholders, secure from predators and heedless of profit, high
taxes, cradle-to-grave welfare," and other sins:
Low
wages do not appear to have been a major factor in late development,
however attractive they may be to TNCs. "Neither Germany
nor the US industrialized by competing against Britain on the
basis of low wages,' Amsden points out, and the same was true
of Japan, which undercut British textiles in the 1920s by modern
production facilities more than low wages. In Germany and other
successful economies, labor conditions and benefits are high,
by comparative standards. A study of industrial productivity by
MIT specialists notes further that Germany, Japan, and other countries
that maintained the "craft tradition, with more direct participation
of skilled workers in production decisions" have been more
successful in modern industry than the US, with its tradition
of deskilling and marginalizing workers in the "mass-production
model"; lessened hierarchy, responsibility in the hands of
production workers, and training in new technologies has also
improved results in the US, they conclude. Economist David Felix
makes a similar point in comparing Latin America and East Asia.
Asians who were less subordinated to Europe and the US than Latin
American elites did not assign such high status to foreign-made
consumption goods, "allowing much larger segments of the
craft sector to survive, accumulate, and modernize the technology,"
while also easing balance-of-payments pressures. Amsden attributes
South Korea's success in part to reliance on workers' initiative
on the shop floor in preference to managerial hierarchies.
It
is, however, not only "late development" that is crucially
dependent on departures from doctrinal orthodoxy. The same was
true of the "early development" of England. The US as
well. High tariffs and other forms of state intervention may have
raised costs to American consumers, but they allowed domestic
industry to develop, from textiles to steel to computers, barring
cheaper British products in earlier years, providing a state-guaranteed
market and public subsidy for research and development in advanced
sectors, creating and maintaining capital-intensive agribusiness,
and so on. Elimination of tariffs in the 1830s would have bankrupted
"about half the industrial sector of New England," economic
historian Mark Bils concludes.
There
were experiments with unconstrained markets in 19th century England,
quickly abandoned. Free trade was (selectively) introduced and
dropped as domestic power interests dictated. In the US, business
regularly turned to the state to overcome its problems, initiating
government bureaucracies from the 1880s and demanding protection
and subsidy. By the 1930s, faith that capitalism might be viable
had virtually disappeared, as the advanced countries moved towards
one or another form of state-integrated economic system. It should
be a virtual truism that "Since WWII, military spending had
become the backbone of our goods production. It could be, and
was, managed to sustain the level of aggregate demand and unemployment,
adjusted periodically as the business cycle might require, and
used to help meet the growth targets" (Richard Bartel). Military
spending in WWII convinced corporate executives of the validity
of the Keynesian model of state intervention, and they have taken
for granted since that the state must intervene actively to protect
and subsidize the wealthy and privileged, notoriously during the
Reagan years.
The
crucial role in industrial development of the "visible hand"--planning
and coordination of production, marketing and R&D--is well
known from the studies of business enterprise by Alfred Chandler
over the past 30 years. Summarizing and extending work by Chandler,
David Landes, and other historians of development, William Lazonick
argues that industrial capitalism has passed through three major
phases: the "proprietary capitalism" of 19th century
England, with family-owned firms and a substantial degree of market
coordination; the "managerial capitalism" of the US,
with "administrative coordination" for planning and
organization; and the "collective capitalism" of the
Japanese model, which allows still more efficient long-term planning
and coordination. In each case, private enterprise has relied
extensively on the state power that it largely controls, though
in different ways. The TNCs extend these internally coordinated,
state-supported systems worldwide.
"Import
substitution [through state intervention] is about the only way
anybody's ever figured out to industrialize," development
economist Lance Taylor observes: "In the long run, there
are no laissez-faire transitions to modern economic growth. The
state has always intervened to create a capitalist class, and
then it has to regulate the capitalist class, and then the state
has to worry about being taken over by the capitalist class, but
the state has always been there." Furthermore, state power
has regularly been invoked by investors and entrepreneurs to protect
them from destructive market forces, to secure resources, markets,
and opportunities for investment, and in general to safeguard
and extend their profits and power.
With
the conventional pretext gone, Washington sought new ways to maintain
the subsidy to advanced industry. One method is foreign arms sales,
which also help alleviate the balance-of-payments crisis. As the
Cold War came to a definitive end, the Bush administration created
a Center for Defense Trade to stimulate arms sales while proposing
government guarantees of up to $1 billion in loans for purchase
of US arms. The Defense Security Assistance Agency was reported
to have sent more than 900 officers to some 50 countries to promote
US weapons sales. Pentagon officials trace the policy to a July
1990 order that Embassy officials should expand their assistance
to US arms exporters; the Gulf war was then prominently featured
as a sales promotion device. At a Pentagon-industry conference
in May 1991, industry officials asked the government to pick up
the costs of US military equipment and personnel sent to contractor
trade shows around the world for sales promotion. The Pentagon
agreed, reversing a 25-year policy. The first taxpayer-funded
display was at the June 1991 Paris Air Show.
Lawrence
Korb of the Brookings Institution, formerly Assistant Secretary
of Defense in charge of logistics, observed that the promise of
arms sales had kept stocks of military producers high despite
the end of the Cold War, with arms sales rising from $12 billion
in 1989 to almost $40 billion in 1991. Moderate declines in purchases
by the US military were more than offset by other arms sales by
US companies. Since "president Bush called last May [1991]
for restraint in weapons sales to the Middle East," AP correspondent
Barry Schweid reported in early 1992, "the US has transferred
roughly $6 billion in arms to the region," part of the $19
billion in US weapons sent to the Middle East since Iraq's invasion
of Kuwait. From 1989 through 1991, US arms exports to the Third
World increased by 138 percent, making the US far and away the
leading arms exporter. The sales since May 1991 are "fully
consistent with the president's initiative and the guidelines"
in his call for restraint, state department spokesman Richard
Boucher announced--quite accurately, given the actual intent.
Bush
administration calls for restraint were timed for the triumphal
celebration of the Gulf war, as part of the PR campaign on the
new era of peace and tranquility that we are entering, thanks
to the valor of our grand leader. On February 6, 1991, secretary
of state james baker told the House Foreign Committee that the
time had come for concrete steps to stem the flow of armaments
to the Middle East, "an area that is already over-militarized."
On March 6, in his triumphant address to a cheering joint session
of congress, the president announced that control of arms sales
would be one of his major postwar goals: "it would be tragic,"
he said, "if the nations of the Middle East and Persian Gulf
were now, in the wake of war, to embark on a new arms race."
In
recognition of the scale of the tragedy, the administration, a
few days earlier, had provided the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
with a confidential listing of planned sales reaching to record
levels, more than half for the Middle East; and informed congress
of a $1.6 billion sale of advanced fighter aircraft to Egypt.
A week after the speech, congress was informed of a $760 million
deal for Apache helicopters to the United Arab Emirates. The pentagon
then used the Paris Air Show for an unprecedented sales pitch,
displaying with pride the goods that had so magnificently destroyed
a defenseless Third World country (Iraq). Secretary of defense
Cheney announced new arms transfers to Israel and plans to stockpile
$200 million worth of US weapons there; another $7 billion in
weapon sales, mainly to the Middle East, was announced in July.
The UK followed the same path. China was the only weapons exporter
to call for concrete limits on arms sales to the Middle East,
a proposal quickly dismissed by the US and its allies.
Military Keynesian initiatives have not been limited to the taxpayer
subsidy (R&D) and a state-guaranteed market. While the US
“lags far behind nations like Japan and Germany in per-capita
spending on foreign aid budget “, it is devoted to direct
grants or loans to foreign governments for the purchase of US
military equipment”; other programs are shaped to the same
ends.
Such considerations, however, should not obscure the more fundamental
role of the pentagon system (including NASA and DOE) in maintaining
high-tech industry generally, just as state intervention plays
a crucial role in supporting biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, agribusiness,
and most competitive segments of the economy. The Reagan administration
sharply increased protectionist measures along with steps to support
failing banks and industries, and generally to assist US corporate
power.
By IMF standards, the US, after a decade of Reaganite folly, is
a prime candidate for severe austerity measures. But it is far
too powerful to submit to the rules, intended for the weak.
As noted, the World Bank now estimates that protectionist measures
of the industrial countries—keeping pace with free market
bombast—reduce the national income of the south by twice
the amount of the official “development assistance.”
The latter may help or harm the recipients, but that is incidental.
Typically, it is a form of export promotion. One notable example
is the Food for Peace program, designed to subsidize US agribusiness
and induce others to "become dependent on us for food”
(senator Hubert Humphrey), and to promote the global security
network that keeps order in the Third World by requiring that
local governments use counterpart funds for armaments (thus also
subsidizing US military producers).
A more significant case is the Marshall Plan. Its goal was “to
avert economic, social and political chaos in Europe, contain
communism (meaning not Soviet intervention but the success of
the indigenous Communist parties), prevent the collapse of America’s
export trade, and achieve the goal of multilateralism,”
and provide a crucial economic stimulus for “individual
initiative and private enterprise both on the continent and in
the US,” undercutting the fear of “experiments with
socialist enterprise and government controls,” which would
“jeopardize private enterprise in the US” as well
(Michael Hogan, in the major scholarly study). The Marshall Plan
also “set the stage for large amounts of private US direct
investment in Europe,” Reagan’s Commerce Department
observed in 1984, establishing the basis for the modern TNCs,
which “prospered and expanded on overseas orders, fueled
initially by the dollars of the Marshall plan” and protected
from “negative developments by the umbrella of US power,”
Business Week observed in 1975, lamenting that this golden age
of state intervention might be fading away. Aid to Israel, Egypt,
and Turkey, the leading recipients in recent years, is motivated
by their role in maintaining US dominance of the Middle East,
with its enormous energy reserves.
The utility of free trade as a weapon against the poor is illustrated
by a World Bank study on global warming, designed to “forge
a consensus among economists” in advance of the June 1992
Rio conference on global warming, N.Y. Times business correspondent
Silvia Nasar reported under the headline “Can Capitalism
Save the Ozone?” (the implication being: “Yes”).
Harvard economist Lawrence Summers, chief economist of the World
Bank, explained that the world’s environmental problems
are largely “the consequence of policies that are misguided
on narrow economic grounds,” particularly the policies of
the poor countries that “have been practically giving away
oil, coal and natural gas to domestic buyers in hopes of fostering
industry and keeping living costs low for urban workers”
(Nasar).If the poor countries would only have the courage to resist
the "extreme pressure to improve the performance of their
economies” and to protect their population from starvation,
then environmental problems would abate. “Creating free
markets in Russia and other poor countries may do more to slow
global warming than any measures that rich countries are likely
to adopt in the 1990s,” the World Bank concludes—correctly,
since the rich are hardly likely to pursue policies detrimental
to their interests. In the small print, the consensus economists
also recognize that “more effective government regulation”
reduces pollution, but grinding down the poor has obvious advantages.
The same page of the Times business section carries an item on
a confidential memo for the World Bank leaked to the Economist.
Its author is the same Lawrence Summers. He writes: “Just
between you and me, shouldn’t the World Bank be encouraging
more migration of the dirty industries to the Third World?”
This makes good sense, Summers explains: for example, a cancer
producing agent will have larger effects “in a country where
people survive to get prostate cancer than in a country where
under-5 mortality is 200 per thousand.” Poor countries are
“under-polluted” and it is only reasonable to encourage
“dirty industries” to move to them. “The economic
logic behind dumping a load of toxic waste in the lowest-wage
country is impeccable and we should face up to that.” To
be sure, there are “arguments against all of these proposals”
for exporting pollution to the Third World: “intrinsic rights
to certain goods, moral reasons, social concerns, lack of adequate
markets, etc.” But these arguments have a fatal flaw: they
“could be turned around and used more or less effectively
against every Bank proposal for liberalization.”
NEXT PAGE: